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Frühkindliche religiöse Bildung in den Bildungsplänen. Curriculare Perspektiven in der Diskussion.
(2022)
Frühkindliche religiöse Bildung wird unter vielfältigen Perspektiven diskutiert und von unterschiedlichen Interessengruppen geprägt. Dabei befindet sich religiöse Bildung in einer dynamischen Gemengelage, die unterschiedliche Verständnisgrundlagen sowie Herausforderungen durch gesellschaftliche Transformationen beinhaltet. Eine Analyse der Bildungspläne der Länder untersucht Darstellung, Verortung, zugrunde liegende Religionsbegriffe und Zielvorstellungen religiöser Bildung, um Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede identifizieren und Tendenzen erkennen zu können.
Mit der Brexit-Entscheidung und der Wahl Donald Trumps zum Präsidenten der Vereinigten Staaten im Jahr 2016, gefolgt vom erstmaligen Einzug der Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) in den Deutschen Bundestag 2017, ist das Thema ‚Emotion und Politik‘ auf die Agenda der Politischen Bildung geradezu gespült worden. Seitdem hat sich im Kontext Politischer Bildung ein reger Diskurs herausgebildet: Einerseits wird auf einer theoretischen und methodologischen Ebene nach der Bedeutung von Emotionen in politischen Lernprozessen gefragt. Ausgehend von der Erziehungswissenschaft hat dieser Diskurs inzwischen die geistes- und sozialwissenschaftlichen Didaktiken erreicht und erste Forschungsarbeiten hervorgebracht. Andererseits geht es auf der Ebene praktischer politischer Bildungsarbeit, die angesichts der Herausforderung durch den Rechtspopulismus teilweise verunsichert ist und nach Orientierung sucht, um die Frage, welche Strategien im Umgang mit der Emotionalisierung von Politik im Allgemeinen und dem Rechtspopulismus im Besonderen tragfähig sind. Der Beitrag zieht anhand zentraler Veröffentlichungen der bildungs- und politikdidaktischen Literatur einen Zwischenstand in einer anhaltenden Diskussion.
In dieser Studie wurde der Einfluss kognitiver und emotionaler Regulationsfertigkeiten auf psychische Stresssymptome von Schulkindern untersucht. Möglich wäre ein direkter Einfluss der Regulationsfertigkeiten auf Stresssymptome oder ein indirekter Einfluss mediiert über die Schulleistungen. Bei 177 Drittklässler_innen wurden bis zum Halbjahr der fünften Klasse die psychische Stresssymptomatik, die exekutiven Funktionen, die emotionale Kontrolle sowie die Mathematik- und Deutschnoten erfasst. Es zeigte sich, dass die individuelle psychische Stresssymptomatik sich heterogen veränderte, die exekutiven Funktionen nahmen jedoch weder direkt noch indirekt signifikanten Einfluss auf die psychische Stresssymptomatik oder deren Veränderung. Auch der Einfluss der emotionalen Kontrolle auf die psychische Stresssymptomatik erwies sich als gering.
This article introduces and discusses a theoretically and empirically founded integrated framework model of the principal's leadership role for inclusive education. Leadership is widely discussed as a key factor for success in inclusive education. Additional systematic research efforts are required with respect to this topic, particularly in the context of the German school system. This study analyses principals' leadership roles in one German federal state. Interviews were conducted with fifteen school principals from schools that are assigned to implement inclusive education. Findings from the qualitative content analysis draw a complex picture that is summarised in an integrated framework model. This model addresses (1) the multilevel hierarchical character of the school system and (2) the role of social discourse in shaping principals' perspectives. This model integrates different theoretical approaches such as the four-frame model of leadership orientation, the theory of recontextualisation, and educational governance to describe principal leadership and its contribution for inclusive education.
Der Diskussionsbeitrag problematisiert auf Basis internationaler Forschungsarbeiten sowie unter Einbezug von empirischen Studien der Verfasserinnen das Spannungsfeld konfligierender Ansprüche bei der Umsetzung von Partizipation in Grundschule und partizipationsorientierter Schulforschung. Mithilfe des Analysemodells von Pearce und Wood (2019) werden Partizipationspraxen in Schule und Forschung anhand der Kategorien Dialog, Inklusivität, Intergenerationalität und Transgression geprüft. Dabei werden für beide Systeme „Blinde Flecke“ identifiziert, die insbesondere dann entstehen, wenn die transformatorischen Effekte von Partizipation außer Acht bleiben. Gerade hierüber braucht es einen offenen, reflexiven Dialog zwischen Akteurinnen und Akteuren aus Grundschule und Forschung.
The article raises the question of whether and how education systems produce social differences internally rather than reproducing pre‐existing “external” inequalities. Linking Niklas Luhmann’s theory of inclusion/exclusion with Charles Tilly’s theory of categorical inequalities, and based on empirical data from various qualitative studies, the article identifies an “observation regime” epistemically constituting the social classification of students and legitimising organisational closure mechanisms in the school system. As an alternative to the “reproduction paradigm,” a research approach guided by differentiation theory is proposed that takes into account that educational inequality operationally arises on the “inside” of the educational system and is caused by unequal inclusion processes.
This article presents an analysis of the formation of organized interest groups in the post-communist context and organizational populations over time. We test two theories that shed doubt on whether vital rates of interest groups are explained by individual incentives, namely, the political opportunity structure and population ecology theory. Based on an analysis of the energy policy and higher education policy organizations active at the national level in Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia, we find that while the period of democratic and economic transition indeed opened up the opportunity structure for organizational formations, it by no means presented a clean slate. Communist-era successor and splinter organizations survived the collapse of communism, and all three countries entered transition with relatively high density rates in both organizational populations. We also find partial support for the density dependence hypothesis. Surprisingly, the EU integration process, the intensity of legislative activity, and media attention do not seem to have meaningfully influenced founding rates in the two populations
The article analyses the strategies of Hungarian higher education interest organisations against the encroachments on academic freedom by Viktor Orbán's governments. We contrast the 2012–2013 and 2017–2019 protest waves and find that innovations in strategy came from new organisations in both periods, whereas established ones were rather passive or opted for the status quo. However, in the second period, new actors consciously declined to pursue wider systemic goals and aimed at building up formal organisations instead of loose, movement-like networks. The focus on keeping a unified front and interest representation on the workplace level did not change the overall outcome. Just like during the first period, the government was able to reach its goals without major concessions. Nevertheless, during the second protest wave the government was unable to divide and pacify its opponents, which stripped it of its legalistic strategy and revealed its authoritarianism.
The data on the formations and dissolutions of Czech, Hungarian, Polish and Slovenian national-level healthcare, higher education and energy policy interest groups show that there were relatively large organizational populations in these countries already at the outset of post-communist transition in 1990. In other words, there was no tabula rasa – the evolution of interest organizations did not start completely anew. There was, however, a substantial variation between policy fields and countries in the sizes of these pre-transition populations. What explains this variance? The chapter explores in detail the formation rates across the four countries and three policy fields through time. In their explanation, the authors focus on the nature of the communist regime, its overall repressiveness, the periods of political and economic liberalizations and the political mobilization and fragmentation in the period leading up to regime change. On the basis of the Hungarian sub-sample, where such data are reliably available, the chapter also compares the mortality rates of organizations founded before and after transition. The findings shed new light on the debates on civil society development and democratization in post-communist societies. The chapter also draws attention to the importance of the proper operationalization of fundamental political changes to the polity in population ecology theory in general, and in the energy–stability–area model of organizational density in particular.
What explains the formation rates of interest organizations in post-communist democracies over time? This chapter provides a bird’s eye view of the size and scope of the interest group populations in Hungary, the Czech Republic, Poland and Slovenia. To what extent did pre-communist organizations survive the transformation process and how radically was the interest group population transformed by the transition to a market economy, democracy and in some cases nation-building? The authors tackle these issues by exploring the formation and dissolution rates of organized interests in three non-related, yet critical policy areas for the viability of post-communist democracies – energy, healthcare and higher education. In doing so, they focus on a series of factors which might accelerate or decelerate the formation of organized interests. Besides the collapse of the communist regime and introduction of the market economy, the interest group landscape may also be profoundly affected by European Union accession, but also by key national legislation. Based on population ecology datasets which they compiled, the authors assess the volatility and continuity of each different interest group system from a cross-country and cross-policy perspective, while also comparatively exploring changes regarding the types of organizations (e.g. patients vs. medical profession, students vs. academic profession, energy producers vs. consumers, clean vs. dirty energy).