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Der „Alleszermalmer“
(2019)
Projektbericht "Open Campus: Learning Commons an der PH Ludwigsburg" (Laufzeit: 12/2019-11/2021), November 2021
Förderprogramm BW-BigDIWA des Ministeriums für Wissenschaft, Forschung und Kunst Baden-Württemberg
"Open Campus": ein Projekt an der Pädagogischen Hochschule Ludwigsburg. Das Projekt hatte die Umgestaltung des klassischen Lesesaals der Bibliothek und zwei weiterer Computer-Pool-Räume zu multifunktional nutzbaren Lernräumen zum Inhalt. Neue Servicebereiche konnten geschaffen werden. Der innovative Gedanke des Konzepts "Open Campus" liegt darin, dass hier die Bibliothek als zentraler Informationsanbieter sich über den physischen Ort der Bibliothek hinweg über den Campus verbreitet. Ein Fluss der digitalen Bibliotheksangebote über den Campus wurde erreicht.
This article presents an analysis of the formation of organized interest groups in the post-communist context and organizational populations over time. We test two theories that shed doubt on whether vital rates of interest groups are explained by individual incentives, namely, the political opportunity structure and population ecology theory. Based on an analysis of the energy policy and higher education policy organizations active at the national level in Hungary, Poland, and Slovenia, we find that while the period of democratic and economic transition indeed opened up the opportunity structure for organizational formations, it by no means presented a clean slate. Communist-era successor and splinter organizations survived the collapse of communism, and all three countries entered transition with relatively high density rates in both organizational populations. We also find partial support for the density dependence hypothesis. Surprisingly, the EU integration process, the intensity of legislative activity, and media attention do not seem to have meaningfully influenced founding rates in the two populations
The article analyses the strategies of Hungarian higher education interest organisations against the encroachments on academic freedom by Viktor Orbán's governments. We contrast the 2012–2013 and 2017–2019 protest waves and find that innovations in strategy came from new organisations in both periods, whereas established ones were rather passive or opted for the status quo. However, in the second period, new actors consciously declined to pursue wider systemic goals and aimed at building up formal organisations instead of loose, movement-like networks. The focus on keeping a unified front and interest representation on the workplace level did not change the overall outcome. Just like during the first period, the government was able to reach its goals without major concessions. Nevertheless, during the second protest wave the government was unable to divide and pacify its opponents, which stripped it of its legalistic strategy and revealed its authoritarianism.